Information about Theodore Kaczynski

Police mug shot of Theodore Kaczynski
Born	May 22 1942 (1942--) (age 65) Chicago, Illinois, U.S.
Conviction(s)	Murder, transportation of explosives
Penalty	life imprisonment
Status	in prison
Occupation	mathematician, professor
Parents	Theodore Richard Kaczynski, Wanda Theresa Dombek

Theodore John Kaczynski (born May 22, 1942), known as the Unabomber, is an American terrorist and social critic who carried out a campaign of bombings and mail bombings that killed three and wounded 23. He sent bombs to several universities and airlines from the late 1970s through the mid-1990s. ^[1]

In his (commonly called the "Unabomber Manifesto," described below) he argued that his actions were a necessary (although extreme) tactic by which to attract attention to what he believed were the dangers of modern technology. The Unabomber was the target of one of the most expensive investigations in the FBI's history.^[2]

Kaczynski was charged with numerous federal offenses stemming from his mail bombing campaign. In his April 24, 1995 letter to the New York Times, he promised "to desist from terrorism" if the Times or a similarly respected news journal would publish his manifesto. To avoid the death penalty, Kaczynski entered into a plea agreement, under which he pled guilty and was sentenced to life in prison with no possibility of parole.

Kaczynski's moniker as the Unabomber was derived from his FBI codename. Before his real identity was known, the FBI used the handle "UNABOM" ("UNiversity and Airline BOMber") to refer to his case, which resulted in variants such as Unabomer, Unibomber, and Unabomber when the media started using the name.

Early life and mathematical career

Kaczynski was born in Chicago to second-generation Polish Americans Theodore Richard Kaczynski and Wanda Theresa Kaczynski (née Dombek).

Kaczynski attended kindergarten and grades one through four at Sherman Elementary School in Chicago. He attended fifth through eighth grade at Evergreen Park Central school. As a result of testing conducted in the fifth grade, it was determined that he could skip the sixth grade and enroll with the seventh grade class. According to various accounts, testing showed him to have a high IQ, and by his account, his parents were told he was a genius. He says that his IQ was in the 160 to 170 range. Testing conducted at that time has not been made available for review. Kaczynski described skipping this grade as a pivotal event in his life. He remembers not fitting in with the older children and being subjected to verbal abuse and teasing from them. His mother, Wanda Kaczynski, was so worried by his poor social development that she considered entering him in a study led by Bruno Bettelheim regarding autistic children; he had a fear of people and buildings, and he played beside other children rather than interacting with them. He did however manage to form a bond with one child: a mentally handicapped boy.^[3]

He attended high school at Evergreen Park Community High School. He did well academically, but reported some difficulty with mathematics in his sophomore year. He was subsequently placed in a more advanced math class and mastered the material, and then skipped the 11th grade. As a result, he completed his high school education two years early, although this did necessitate a summer school course in English. He was encouraged to apply to Harvard, and was subsequently accepted as a student beginning in the fall of 1958. He was 16 years old. While at Harvard, Kaczynski was taught by the famous logician Willard Quine and participated in a several-year personality study conducted by Dr. Henry A. Murray, an expert on stress interviews.^[4]

According to an article by Alston Chase for the June 2000 Atlantic Monthly, students in Murray's study were told they would be debating personal philosophy with a fellow student.^[5] Instead, they were subjected to the stress test: an extremely stressful and prolonged psychological attack by an anonymous attorney. During the test, students were strapped into a chair and connected to electrodes that monitored their physiological reactions, while facing bright lights and a one-way mirror. The "debate" was filmed, and students' expressions of impotent rage were played back to them at various times later in the study. According to Chase, Kaczynski's records from that period suggest that he was emotionally stable at the start of the study. Lawyers for Kaczynski attributed some of his emotional instability and dislike of mind control to his participation in this study.

In 1962, Kaczynski graduated from Harvard. After graduation he attended the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, earning a master's degree and a Ph.D. in Mathematics. Kaczynski began a research career at Michigan but made few friends. One of his professors at Michigan, George Piranian, said: "It is not enough to say he was smart." He earned his Ph.D. by solving, in less than a year, a math problem that Piranian had been unable to solve. Kaczynski's specialty was a branch of complex analysis known as geometric function theory. "I would guess that maybe 10 or 12 people in the country understood or appreciated it", said Maxwell O. Reade, a retired math professor who served on Kaczynski's dissertation committee. In 1967 Kaczynski received a $100 prize recognizing his dissertation, entitled 'Boundary Functions', as the school's best in math that year. At Michigan he held a National Science Foundation fellowship. While a graduate student at Michigan, he taught undergraduates for three years and published two articles related to his dissertation in mathematical journals. After he left Michigan, he published four more papers.

In the fall of 1967 Kaczynski was hired as an assistant professor of mathematics at the University of California, Berkeley. Kaczynski's aloofness and reserve made students rate him poorly. Despite pleas from the department staff Kaczynski resigned without explanation in 1969. Calvin Moore, vice chairman of the department in 1968, said that given Kaczynski's 'impressive' thesis and record of publications, "he could have advanced up the ranks and been a senior member of the faculty today".

After resigning his position at Berkeley he held no permanent employment. In the summer of 1969, Kaczynski moved from Berkeley, California to the small residence of his parents in Lombard, Illinois. He lived a simple life in a remote shack on very little money, occasionally worked odd jobs and received some financial support from his family. In 1978, he worked briefly with his father and brother at a foam-rubber factory.

Bombings

The first mail bomb was sent in late May 1978 to Professor Buckley Crist at Northwestern University. The package was found in a parking lot at the University of Illinois at Chicago, with Crist's return address. The package was 'returned' to Crist. However, when Crist received the package he noticed that it had not been addressed in his own handwriting. Suspicious of a package he had not sent he contacted campus policeman Terry Marker. Marker opened the package and it exploded. The injury was slight, mostly because the bomb was poorly constructed. Marker's left hand was sufficiently damaged to send him to Evanston Hospital. The bomb was made of bits and pieces of metal that could have come from a home workshop. It was based on a piece of metal pipe about an inch in diameter and nine inches long. The bomb contained smokeless explosive powders and the box and the plugs that sealed the pipe ends were hand crafted of wood. In comparison, most pipe bombs usually use threaded metal ends that can be bought in any large hardware store. Wooden ends do not have the strength to allow a large amount of pressure to build within the pipe. This is partly why the bomb did not cause severe damage. The primitive trigger device the bomb employed was a nail tensioned by rubber bands designed to slam into six common match heads when the box was opened. The match heads would immediately burst into flame and ignite the explosive powders (when the trigger hit the match heads, only three ignited). A more efficient technique, later employed by Kaczynski, would be to use batteries and heat-filament wire to ignite the explosives faster and more effectively.

The initial 1978 bombing was followed by bombs sent to airline officials, and in 1979 a bomb was placed in the cargo hold of American Airlines Flight 444, a Boeing 727 flying from Chicago to Washington, D.C. The bomb began smoking and the pilot was forced to make an emergency landing. Many of the passengers were treated for smoke inhalation. Only a faulty timing mechanism prevented the bomb from exploding. Authorities said it had enough firepower to "obliterate the plane." As bombing an airliner is a federal crime in the United States, the FBI became involved after this incident and came up with the code name UNABOM (UNiversity and Airline BOMber). They also called the suspect the Junkyard Bomber because of the material used to make the bombs. In 1980, chief agent John Douglas working with fellow agents in the FBI's Behavioral Sciences Unit (BSU) issued a psychological profile of the unidentified bomber which described the offender as a man with above-average intelligence with some connections to academics. This profile was later refined to characterize the offender as a neo-luddite holding an academic degree in the hard sciences, but this psychologically based profile was superseded by 1993 in favor of an alternative theory developed by FBI analysts concentrating on the physical evidence in recovered bomb fragments. In this rival profile the bomber suspect was characterized as a blue-collar airplane mechanic.^[6]

The first serious injury occurred in 1985, when John Hauser, a Berkeley graduate student and Captain in the Air Force, lost four fingers and vision in one eye.^[7] The bombs were all hand-crafted and were made with some wooden parts.^[8] Inside the bombs certain parts carried the inscription "FC" — at one point thought to stand for "Fuck Computers", but later the bomber asserted that it stood for "Freedom Club." A California computer store owner, Hugh Scrutton, 38, was killed by a nail- and splinter-loaded bomb lying in his parking lot in 1985. A similar attack against a computer store occurred in Salt Lake City, Utah on February 20 1987.

After a six-year break, Kaczynski struck again in 1993, mailing a bomb to David Gelernter, a computer-science professor at Yale University. Another bomb in the same year was aimed at the geneticist Charles Epstein. Kaczynski wrote a letter to The New York Times claiming that his "group", called FC, was responsible for the attacks. In 1994 advertising executive Thomas J. Mosser was killed by a mail bomb sent to his North Caldwell, New Jersey home. In a letter Kaczynski attempted to justify the killing by pointing out that the public-relations field is in the business of developing techniques for manipulating people's attitudes. This was followed by the 1995 murder of California Forestry Association president Gilbert Murray in Sacramento, California.

In all, 16 bombs—which injured 23 people and killed three—were attributed to Kaczynski. While the devices varied widely through the years, all but the first few contained the initials "FC". Latent fingerprints on some of the devices did not match the fingerprints found on letters attributed to Kaczynski. As stated in the FBI affidavit:

"203. Latent fingerprints attributable to devices mailed and/or placed by the UNABOM subject were compared to those found on the letters attributed to Theodore Kaczynski. According to the FBI Laboratory no forensic correlation exists between those samples."^[9]

One of Kaczynski’s tactics was leaving false clues in every single bomb. He would make them hard to find so as to purposely mislead investigators into thinking they had a clue. First and foremost of the clues was a metal plate stamped with the initials “FC” hidden somewhere (usually in the pipe end cap) in every bomb.^[9] Another clue was in a letter to the CIA 'accidentally' revealing that he lived in the Sierra Mountains. In actuality he lived near a mountain range in Montana. The police spent days scouring much of the Sierras. One false trail he left was a note in a bomb that failed to go off that said, "Wu—It works! I told you it would—RV". A more obvious clue was the Eugene O’Neill $1 stamps used to send his boxes. One of his bombs was sent embedded in a copy of Sloan Wilson’s novel Ice Brothers.

Manifesto

In 1995, Kaczynski mailed several letters, some to his former victims, outlining his goals and demanding that his 35,000-word paper (commonly called the "Unabomber Manifesto") be printed verbatim by a major newspaper or journal; he stated that he would then end his terrorism campaign. There was a great deal of controversy as to whether it should be done. A further letter threatening to kill more people was sent, and the US Justice Department recommended publication out of concern for public safety. The pamphlet was then published by the New York Times and the Washington Post on September 19, 1995, with the hope that someone would recognize the writing style. Prior to the Times' decision to publish the manifesto, Bob Guccione of Penthouse volunteered to publish it, but Kaczynski replied that, since Penthouse was less "respectable" than the other publications, he would in that case "reserve the right to plant one (and only one) bomb intended to kill, after our manuscript has been published."^[10]

Throughout the manuscript, produced on a typewriter without the capacity for italics, Kaczynski capitalizes entire words in order to show emphasis. He always refers to himself as either "we" or "FC" (Freedom Club), though he appears to have acted alone.

It has been noted that Kaczynski's writing, while having irregular hyphenations, is virtually free of any spelling or grammatical error, in spite of its production on a manual typewriter without the benefit of a word processor or spell-checker.^[11][12]

Summary

Industrial Society and Its Future begins with Kaczynski's assertion that "the Industrial Revolution and its consequences have been a disaster for the human race."^[13] The first sections of the text are devoted to psychological analyses of various groups—primarily leftists and scientists—and of the psychological consequences for the individual of life within the "industrial-technological system." The later sections speculate about the future evolution of this system, argue that it will inevitably lead to the end of human freedom, call for a "revolution against technology," and attempt to indicate how that might be accomplished.

Psychological Analysis

In his opening and closing sections, Kaczynski addresses leftism as a movement and analyzes the psychology of leftists, arguing that they are "True Believers in Eric Hoffer's sense" who participate in a powerful social movement to compensate for their lack of personal power. He further claims that leftism as a movement is led by a particular minority of leftists who he calls "oversocialized":

The moral code of our society is so demanding that no one can think, feel and act in a completely moral way. […] Some people are so highly socialized that the attempt to think, feel and act morally imposes a severe burden on them. In order to avoid feelings of guilt, they continually have to deceive themselves about their own motives and find moral explanations for feelings and actions that in reality have a non-moral origin. We use the term "oversocialized" to describe such people.^[14]

He goes on to explain how the nature of leftism is determined by the psychological consequences of "oversocialization."

Kaczynski "attribute[s] the social and psychological problems of modern society to the fact that that society requires people to live under conditions radically different from those under which the human race evolved and to behave in ways that conflict with the patterns of behavior that the human race developed while living under the earlier conditions." He further specifies the primary cause of a long list of social and psychological problems in modern society as the disruption of the "power process," which he defines as having four elements:

The three most clear-cut of these we call goal, effort and attainment of goal. (Everyone needs to have goals whose attainment requires effort, and needs to succeed in attaining at least some of his goals.) The fourth element is more difficult to define and may not be necessary for everyone. We call it autonomy and will discuss it later. ^[15] […] We divide human drives into three groups: (1) those drives that can be satisfied with minimal effort; (2) those that can be satisfied but only at the cost of serious effort; (3) those that cannot be adequately satisfied no matter how much effort one makes. The power process is the process of satisfying the drives of the second group. ^[16]

Kaczynski goes on to claim that "[i]n modern industrial society natural human drives tend to be pushed into the first and third groups, and the second group tends to consist increasingly of artificially created drives." Among these drives are "surrogate activities," activities "directed toward an artificial goal that people set up for themselves merely in order to have some goal to work toward, or let us say, merely for the sake of the "fulfillment" that they get from pursuing the goal."^[17] He claims that scientific research is a surrogate activity for scientists, and that for this reason "science marches on blindly, without regard to the real welfare of the human race or to any other standard, obedient only to the psychological needs of the scientists and of the government officials and corporation executives who provide the funds for research." ^[18]

Historical Analysis and Call for Revolution

In the last sections of the manifesto, Kaczynski carefully defines what he means by freedom^[19] and provides an argument that it would "be hopelessly difficult […] to reform the industrial system in such a way as to prevent it from progressively narrowing our sphere of freedom."^[20] He says that "in spite of all its technical advances relating to human behavior the system to date has not been impressively successful in controlling human beings" and predicts that "[i]f the system succeeds in acquiring sufficient control over human behavior quickly enough, it will probably survive. Otherwise it will break down" and that "the issue will most likely be resolved within the next several decades, say 40 to 100 years." He gives various dystopian possibilities for the type of society which would evolve in the former case.^[21] He claims that revolution, unlike reform, is possible, and calls on sympathetic readers to initiate such revolution using two strategies: to "heighten the social stresses within the system so as to increase the likelihood that it will break down" and to "develop and propagate an ideology that opposes technology." ^[22] He gives various tactical recommendations, including avoiding the assumption of political power, avoiding all collaboration with leftists, and supporting free trade agreements in order to bind the world economy into a more fragile, unified whole.^[23]

He concludes by noting that his manifesto has "portrayed leftism in its modern form as a phenomenon peculiar to our time and as a symptom of the disruption of the power process" but that he is "not in a position to assert confidently that no such movements have existed prior to modern leftism" and says that "[t]his is a significant question to which historians ought to give their attention."^[24]

Related Works

As a critique of technological society, the manifesto echoed contemporary critics of technology and industrialization, such as John Zerzan, Herbert Marcuse, Fredy Perlman, Jacques Ellul (whose book The Technological Society was found in Kaczynski's cabin), Lewis Mumford and Derrick Jensen. Its idea of the "disruption of the power process" similarly echoed social critics emphasizing the lack meaningful work as a primary cause of social problems, including Mumford, Paul Goodman, Eric Hoffer (whom Kaczynski explicitly references), and B. F. Skinner (whose concept of "strengthening processes" is similar). The characterization of true power as held in the hands of a technological elite is similar to that of James Burnham and other elite theorists. The ideas of "oversocialization" and "surrogate activities" recall Freud's Civilization and Its Discontents and his theories of rationalization and sublimation (the latter term being used once in the manifesto, in quotes, to describe surrogate activities). The possible futures predicted are similar to those predicted by Hugo de Garis.

Bill Joy, cofounder of Sun Microsystems, quoted Ray Kurzweil quoting Kaczynski in a Wired magazine article on the dangers of technology, agreeing that the manifesto presented a "dystopian vision" that warranted a response, even though his friend David Gelernter had been seriously injured by Kaczynski.^[25]

Arrest

Before the publication of the Manifesto, Theodore Kaczynski's brother, David Kaczynski, had been prodded by his wife to follow up on suspicions that Theodore was the Unabomber. ^[26] David Kaczynski was at first dismissive, but progressively began to take the likelihood more seriously after reading the manifesto a week after it was published. David Kaczynski, when helping his mother to move, had found some letters written to her by Ted that contained text that was quite similar to that found in the manifesto.

The FBI was receiving over 1000 calls a day in the months after the publication of the manifesto, in response to the offer of $1 million reward for information leading to the uncovering of the identity of the unabomber. David Kaczynski hired a Washington, D.C. attorney, Tony Bisceglie, to organize the evidence and make contact with the FBI, given the likely difficulty in attracting the FBI's attention. David Kaczynski has also admitted to interest in protecting his brother's and mother's interests at the time (he later donated the money, less expenses, to families of his brother's victims).

In early 1996, former FBI hostage negotiator and profiler Clinton R. Van Zandt was contacted by Tony Bisceglie, working for David Kaczynski. Bisceglie asked that Van Zandt make a comparison of the manifesto to type-written copies of hand-written letters that David Kaczynski had received from his brother. Little immediate interest was shown by the FBI in the information.

Some weeks later, David found a more detailed letter from his brother in his mother's apartment. Van Zandt's analysis determined that there was a conclusive match between vocabulary and style in this new letter and the manifesto, which had been in public circulation for just under half a year. The FBI thereafter took a strong interest in this lead. Based on this conclusion, David Kaczynski pointed the FBI to the Lincoln, Montana cabin of his older brother, Theodore.

Agents arrested Theodore Kaczynski on April 3, 1996, at his remote cabin outside Lincoln, Montana. He was found in a very unkempt state. A live bomb and originals of the Manifesto were found in the cabin, among other unrefutable evidence.

Yet it seemed that Paragraphs 204 and 205 of the FBI search and arrest warrant for Kaczynski stated that many FBI experts believed the Manifesto had been written by "another individual, not Theodore Kaczynski."^[9] As stated in the affidavit, the FBI was seriously conflicted over whether Kaczynski was the Unabomber or the author of the manifesto:

"204. Your affiant is aware that other individuals have conducted analyses of the UNABOM Manuscript __ determined that the Manuscript was written by another individual, not Kaczynski, who had also been a suspect in the investigation.

"205. Numerous other opinions from experts have been provided as to the identity of the unabomb subject. None of those opinions named Theodore Kaczynski as a possible author."^[9]

David had once admired and emulated his elder brother, but had later decided to leave the survivalist lifestyle behind.^[27] David had received assurances from the FBI that he would remain anonymous and that in particular his brother would not learn who had turned him in, but his identity was later leaked, prompting an unsuccessful internal leak investigation by the FBI.^[27] David donated the reward money, less his expenses, to families of his brother's victims.^[27]

In January 1995, a graduate student in English at Brigham Young University noticed that Joseph Conrad's 1907 novel The Secret Agent provided a rationale for the bombing of professors and scientists. After Kaczynski's arrest it was discovered that, like the character known simply as "The Professor" in the novel, Kaczynski had given up a teaching position at a university to pursue a lifestyle as a naturalist. Investigators further learned that Kaczynski grew up with a copy of the book somewhere in his home and had during interrogation admitted to have read it more than a dozen times. He also allegedly had used the pseudonyms "Conrad" or "Konrad" at times when he traveled to distribute his bomb-packages.

Court proceedings

Kaczynski's lawyers, headed by Montana federal defender Michael Donahoe, attempted to enter an insanity defense to save Kaczynski's life, but Kaczynski rejected this plea. A court-appointed psychiatrist diagnosed Kaczynski as suffering from paranoid schizophrenia,^[28] and declared him competent to stand trial. Kaczynski's family said he would psychologically "shut down" when pressured. On January 7, 1998, Kaczynski attempted to hang himself. Initially the government prosecution team (headed by Robert Cleary of Proskauer Rose LLP, Stephen Freccero of Morrison and Forester LLP and assistant U.S. Attorney Steve Lapham) indicated that it would seek the death penalty for Kaczynski. David Kaczynski's attorney asked the former FBI agent who made the match between the Unabomber's Manifesto and Kaczynski to ask for leniency—he was horrified to think that turning his brother in might result in his brother's death. Eventually, Kaczynski was able to avoid the death penalty by pleading guilty to all the government's charges, on January 22, 1998. Later Kaczynski attempted to withdraw his guilty plea, arguing it was involuntary. Judge Garland Burrell denied his request. The U.S. Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals upheld that decision. To date, none of the evidence compiled against Kaczynski has been cross-examined in any American court of justice.

The early hunt for the Unabomber in America portrayed a perpetrator far different from the eventual suspect. The Unabomber Manifesto consistently uses "we" and "our" throughout, and at one point in 1993 investigators sought an individual whose first name was "Nathan," due to a fragment of a note found in one of the bombs.^[29] However, when the case was finally presented to the public, authorities denied that there was ever anyone other than Kaczynski involved in the crimes. Explanations were later presented as to why Kaczynski targeted some of the victims he selected.^[26]

On August 10, 2006, Judge Garland Burrell Jr. ordered that personal items seized in 1996 from Kaczynski's Montana cabin should be sold at a "reasonably advertised Internet auction."^[30] Items the government considers to be bomb-making materials, such as writings that contain diagrams and "recipes" for bombs, are excluded from the sale. The auctioneer will pay the cost and will keep up to 10% of the sale price, and the rest of the proceeds must be applied to the $15 million in restitution that Burrell ordered Kaczynski to pay his victims.

Included among Kaczynski's holdings to be auctioned are his original writings, journals, correspondences, and other documents allegedly found in his cabin. The judge ordered that all references in those documents that allude to any of his victims must be removed before they are sold. Kaczynski has challenged those ordered redactions in court on first amendment grounds, arguing that any alteration of his writings is an unconstitutional violation of his freedom of speech.^[31]

Life in prison

Kaczynski is serving a life sentence without the possibility of parole in ADX Florence, the Federal ADX Supermax prison in Florence, Colorado. He is prisoner number 04475-046.^[32]

The Labadie Collection, part of the University of Michigan's Special Collection Library, is housing Kaczynski's correspondence from over 400 people since his arrest in April 1996, some of his carbon-copied replies, as well as some legal documents, publications, and clippings. The names of most correspondents will be kept sealed until 2049.^[33]

He has been active as a writer in prison. A one-paragraph letter by Kaczynski on a book review by István Deák appeared in the New York Review of Books.^[34]

In a letter dated October 7, 2005 Kaczynski offered to donate two rare books to the Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies at Northwestern University's Evanston Campus, which was the location of the first two attacks. The recipient, David Easterbrook, turned the letter over to the university's archives. Northwestern rejected the offer, noting that the library already owns the volumes in English and did not desire duplicates.

As of this date, no recent public communication with Kaczynski has been noted. He cut off all contact with his family.^[26]

See also

• Anarcho-primitivism, Kaczynski's political doctrine which says that technological-industrial society is inherently wasteful and suppressive of human nature, and must be brought down.
  
• Hugo de Garis, an academic technologist who makes much the same predictions about the future as Kaczynski, but supports such a future nevertheless. (He sees people like Kaczynski and himself possibly becoming opposing sides in a major war over such a scenario, paralleling Kaczynski's line of thought about a struggle between anarchists and technophiles for the future of human dignity.)
  
• John Zerzan, a major anarcho-primitivist philosopher who defended Kaczynski's writings and was a confidant to him during his trial.
  
• Green Anarchy, an Anarchist magazine that has published some of Kaczynski's writings including his short story Ship of Fools
  
• Jacques Ellul, author of The Technological Society, found in Kaczynski's cabin and apparently a major influence of the manifesto
• Jason McQuinn, editor of , who wrote the essay One, Two, Three, Many Unabombers in which he defended Kaczynski.
  
• Eco-terrorism
• Lone wolf terrorism
• Das Netz, a German film that explores the actions of the Unabomber in relation to art, technology, and LSD.
• Italian Unabomber, an unknown person or group who was conducting bombings in Italy.
  
• Franz Fuchs, an Austrian mail bomber.

Trivia

• 1-800-701-BOMB - was a hot line set up by the UNABOM Task Force to take any calls related to the Unabomber investigation. Over a period of 2 years they reportedly answered over 20,000 calls.
• American white power band Mudoven recorded a tribute song "Unabomber" in their Aryan vs. Alien 7" EP (Tri-State Terror, 1997).

References

Bibliography

Works written by the Unabomber

• (ISBN 1-59986-990-X)

Works written by Kaczynski

• Kaczynski, T. J. (1967). Boundary Functions [doctoral dissertation]. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan.
• Kaczynski, T. J. (1964). "Another proof of Wedderburn's theorem". American Mathematical Monthly 71: 652 – 653. 
• Kaczynski, T. J. (1964). "Advanced problem 5210". American Mathematical Monthly 71: 689. 
• Kaczynski, T. J. (1965). "Boundary functions for functions defined in a disk". Journal of Mathematics and Mechanics 14 (4): 589 – 612. DOI:10.1512/iumj.1965.14.14039. MR0176080. 
• Kaczynski, T. J. (1965). "Distributivity and (-1)x = -x (solution to advanced problem 5210)". American Mathematical Monthly 72: 677 – 678. 
• Kaczynski, T. J. (1966). "On a boundary property of continuous functions". Michigan Mathematical Journal 13: 313 – 320. MR0210900. 
• Kaczynski, T. J. (1968). "Note on a problem of Alan Sutcliffe". Mathematics Magazine 41: 84 – 86. MR0228409. 
• Kaczynski, T. J. (1969). "The set of curvilinear convergence of a continuous function defined in the interior of a cube". Proceedings of the American Mathematical Society 23: 323 – 327. 
• Kaczynski, T. J. (1969). "Boundary functions for bounded harmonic functions". Transactions of the American Mathematical Society 137: 203 – 209. MR0236393. 
• Kaczynski, T. J. (1969). "Boundary functions and sets of curvilinear convergence for continuous functions". Transactions of the American Mathematical Society 141: 107 – 125. MR0243078. 
• Kaczynski, T. J. (1971). "Problem 787". Mathematics Magazine 44 (1): 41.  A match stick problem (solution to problem 787), Mathematics Magazine 44 (5): 286 – 299. This article was subsequently plagiarized by Dănuţ Marcu in Geombinatorics. http://www.uccs.edu/~geombina/MarcuArticle.htm

Works about Kaczynski and the Unabomber

• Ron Arnold, Ecoterror: The Violent Agenda to Save Nature: The World of the Unabomber, 1997, ISBN 0-939571-18-8
• Alston Chase, Harvard and the Unabomber: The Education of an American Terrorist, extended from the Atlantic article, about the Murray psychological experiment, ISBN 0-393-02002-9
• Alston Chase, A Mind for Murder: The Education of the Unabomber and the Origins of Modern Terrorism, 2004, ISBN 0-393-32556-3
• Douglas and Olshaker, Unabomber: On the Trail of America's Most-Wanted Serial Killer, 1996, Pocket Books, ISBN 0-671-00411-5
• Don Foster, Author Unknown: Tales of a Literary Detective, pg. 95-142, 2000, Henry Holt & Co., ISBN 978-0805063578
• James A. Fox, et al., Technophobe - The Unabomber Years: The Ultimate Sourcebook of Facts,...., 1997, Dove Books, ISBN 0-7871-1159-7
• David Gelernter, , 1997, ISBN 0-684-83912-1
• Robert Graysmith, Unabomber: Desire to Kill, 1997, ISBN 0-89526-397-1
• Steven D. Levitt, Steven J. Dubner, Freakonomics, 2005, pp. 141-142, 191, ISBN 978-0-141-03008-1
• Michael Mello, The United States of America versus Theodore John Kaczynski: Ethics, Power and the Invention of the Unabomber, 1999, ISBN 1-893956-01-6
• Jay Nash, Terrorism in the 20th Century: A Narrative Encyclopedia from the Anarchists, Through the Weathermen, to the Unabomber, 1998, ISBN 0-87131-855-5
• Jill Smolowe, et al., Mad Genius: Odyssey, Pursuit & Capture of the Unabomber Suspect, 1996, ISBN 0-446-60459-3
• Chris Waits, Dave Shors, Unabomber: The Secret Life of Ted Kaczynski, 1999, ISBN 1-56037-131-5

External links

Published works

In chronological order:

• Bullough, John, Published Works of Theodore Kaczynski—mathematical papers
• —Kaczynski argues, in 1971, for a political movement to end public funding for scientific research in order to preserve human freedom
• , aka "the Unabomber manifesto"; see also Church of Euthanasia's corrected version and the description above
• —a short story; also adapted into a short film

Other links

• Ask.com's Controversial Viral Ad Campaign featuring the Unabomber
• Theodore Kaczynski at the Mathematics Genealogy Project
• Dubner, Stephen J., "I Don't Want To Live Long" (detailed magazine article)
• Joseph Conrad. The Secret Agent, available at Project Gutenberg.
• Kaczynski, David, "The death penalty up close and personal"
• Ottley, Ted, "All about the Unabomber"
• Interview with Kaczynski
• The Unabomber Case, Caso Abierto
• Rotten Library's Unabomber Article
• Forensic Evaluation
• Series of articles
• Federal Bureau of Prisons Inmate Locator Record for Prisoner 04475-046 (Kaczynski, Theodore)
• About Kaczynski's diaries: 1, 2.
• Theodore Kaczynski, The Unabomber (in Spanish)
• The Unabomber in Montana: Ten Years After
• Psychological Evaluation of Theodore Kaczynski.
• Adaptation of Kaczynski's play Ship of Fools as an animated short